FREE 2018 calendar with the new Rugby World!

first_imgLATEST RUGBY WORLD MAGAZINE SUBSCRIPTION DEALS TAGS: Highlight WHOOP WHOOP! The new issue of Rugby World comes with a FREE 2018 calendar celebrating the game’s record breakers – think of it as an early Christmas present from us! On top of that we have all you need to make the most of rugby’s festive season as well as an in-depth investigation into whether player migration is destroying the game. Here are ten reasons why you should pick up a copy of the January 2018 edition…1. FREE 2018 CALENDARStart planning next year’s adventures with your FREE calendar, which features superb photos of 12 rugby record-breakers as well as key dates in 2018.2. THE GREAT MIGRATIONThe focus of Alan Dymock’s latest in-depth investigation is player movement. With more and more rugby players navigating the globe to play the game, there are plenty of success stories but also reasons for concern. He speaks to players and administrators about the positives and the pitfalls across eight pages – and keep an eye out for case studies on rugbyworld.com too.FIND OUT HOW TO DOWNLOAD THE DIGITAL ISSUE HERE3. A VERY RUGBY CHRISTMASMake the most of rugby’s festive season with out gift guide – present ideas for the rugby-loving folk in your life – and a preview of the big games over the festive season.4. A DOZEN WISHES FOR 2018RW columnist Stephen Jones lays out 12 radical steps to shake up the game next year and beyond, from South Africa joining the European international scene to bars closing at rugby grounds during matches.Raise a glass: Dylan Hartley lifts the Cook Cup after England’s win over Australia. Photo: Getty Images5. ENGLAND CAPTAIN DYLAN HARTLEYThe England and Northampton hooker talks phones, phobias and family in our offbeat Q&A – and reveals the nickname Eddie Jones has for him! Ten reasons why you need to pick up a copy of Rugby World’s January 2018 editioncenter_img 6. JAPAN 2019It’s less than two years until the World Cup kicks off in Japan and RW has visited Yokohama Country & Athletic Club to  find out what rugby is like at a grass-roots level in the country.Plane sailing: Tom Brown and Stuart McInally at Fife Airport. Photo: Robert Perry7. FLYING WITH AN EDINBURGH DUOScotland hooker Stuart McInally already has his private pilot’s licence while his Edinburgh team-mate Tom Brown is close to completing the process too. So RW headed to Fife to take to the skies with the pair – find out what happened in this issue.FOR THE LATEST SUBSCRIPTION OFFERS, CLICK HERE8. GET TO KNOW TADHG BEIRNEHe’s been a standout performer for the Scarlets since arriving in 2016 as a relative unknown and will head to Munster next season in a bid to win Ireland honours. We find out more about the lock, including how he almost quit the game 18 months ago!Run free: Ireland’s Jacob Stockdale en route to scoring against Argentina. Photo: Getty Images9. IRELAND WING JACOB STOCKDALEThe Ulsterman has been in superb form for province and country this season. He tells RW’s Alan Pearey why life is surreal right now and what keeps him busy off the field.10. INSIDE THE MIND OF GAVIN HENSONThe fly-half is guiding a developing Dragons team in the Guinness Pro14 this season and he opens up on life at the region, his plans post-rugby and the importance of nutrition. Eyes on prize: Gavin Henson has been key for the Dragons this season. Photo: Getty ImagesPLUS, THERE’S ALL THIS…Former Test fly-half Charlie Hodgson offers his verdict on the current England set-up and picks his starting XV for the 2019 World Cup.Sean Holley looks at Leinster’s defensive structure in The Analyst.Leicester centre Matt Toomua gives his top tips on how to exploit space in midfield.Cardiff Blues players and coaches pay tribute to Taufa’ao Filise, the prop still going strong at 40, in Club Hero.Former Wales centre Matthew J Watkins explains what it’s like to live with cancer.The Secret Player gives an insight into what it’s like to be a pro rugby player during the Christmas period.Get to know rising stars Cai Evans, son of Iuean, and Abigail Dow, who scored a brace on her England debut last month.Ben Ryan gives his thoughts on why kicking is becoming more prevalent this season.Ali Donnelly reports on how South Africa are rebuilding their women’s programmes from the bottom up.Grass-roots news in our club section.last_img read more

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Care France renews £1.9m environmental partnership with AXA Group

first_imgCare France renews £1.9m environmental partnership with AXA Group AddThis Sharing ButtonsShare to TwitterTwitterShare to FacebookFacebookShare to LinkedInLinkedInShare to EmailEmailShare to WhatsAppWhatsAppShare to MessengerMessengerShare to MoreAddThis  36 total views,  1 views today AddThis Sharing ButtonsShare to TwitterTwitterShare to FacebookFacebookShare to LinkedInLinkedInShare to EmailEmailShare to WhatsAppWhatsAppShare to MessengerMessengerShare to MoreAddThis Howard Lake | 12 February 2014 | News Tagged with: charity of the year corporate matched giving A partnership that aims to help vulnerable populations deal with environmental risks – between the French branch of aid charity Care International and the global insurance giants the AXA Group – has been renewed for a further three years.The partnership – which was first established in 2011 – will be worth €2.3m (£1.9m) to Care France, with the French-owned multinational supporting climate change projects in India and Thailand, disaster risk reduction projects in Central and South America, and helping to raise awareness of environmental hazards.Since 2011, AXA says the partnership has helped 750,000 people in eight countries, as well as helping Care France secure €3.5m (£2.9m) matched funding from the EU and national governments.Image: 360b / Shutterstock.com About Howard Lake Howard Lake is a digital fundraising entrepreneur. Publisher of UK Fundraising, the world’s first web resource for professional fundraisers, since 1994. Trainer and consultant in digital fundraising. Founder of Fundraising Camp and co-founder of GoodJobs.org.uk. Researching massive growth in giving.last_img read more

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American Airlines in the hot seat over ‘racial insensitivity’

first_imgTamika Mallory, co-chair of Jan. 21 Women’s March on Washington, D.C.Tamika Mallory, Black activist, organizer and co-chair of the Jan. 21 Women’s March on Washington, D.C., was removed from an American Airlines flight from Miami to New York on Oct. 15. She describes the incident as racially motivated — “flying while Black.”Mallory held a press conference about this outrage in New York on Oct.17 with rapper/activist Mysonne, who was also ousted from the flight; her attorney, Royce Russell; New York state NAACP President Hazel Duke; NY state Sen. Brian Benjamin; NY state Assembly member Michael Blake; NY City Council member Jumaane Williams; and others.Mallory explained that her removal from the plane involved a seating dispute. While at the airport check-in kiosk, she requested a seat change.  But when she was at the gate, she was given her original seat. She told the agent that she had put through a seat change. Overhearing the conversation, the pilot asked her if she was going to be “a problem on this flight.”After Mallory took her seat, her name was called over the speaker system, and she was told to go to the front of the plane. When she did, the pilot pointed at her and said, “You, off!”  She was then ejected from the plane.Expressing her outrage, she said she questioned airline staff about why she had been ejected and treated disrespectfully, but didn’t receive an explanation.In a tepid response, American Airlines representative Ross Feinstein claimed the airlines is looking into the matter: “We take these allegations seriously, and have spoken to all involved, including Ms. Mallory. Due to an error with a seat change request … Ms. Mallory was rebooked on the next flight to New York’s LaGuardia airport.” (Washington Post, Oct. 16)Racism: an ‘industry-wide issue’Mallory told the Amsterdam News: “Other airlines have been mistreating people of color. We need to go from airlines apologizing and giving drink and food vouchers to airlines making policy changes.” (Oct. 16)After explosing the airlines’ actions, Mallory said: “My emails and social media have been flooded with stories, particularly from women of color, saying they have been thrown off American Airlines flights and others. … It’s not just a one-airline issue. It’s an industry-wide issue.” (Detroit Free Press, Oct. 29)In another case, a pilot in Atlanta removed Brianna Williams, a 24-year-old Black woman, and her 4-month-old infant daughter from an American Airlines flight ready to depart for New York City on Aug. 21. She had requested the return of her stroller which was checked at the gate. Although Williams was reported by witnesses to have remained calm during a verbal exchange, the pilot was aggressive.The Rev. William Barber, civil rights activist and North Carolina NAACP chapter president, became another victim of “flying while Black” on April 15, 2016. American Airlines ejected him from a flight after he complained to a flight attendant that the two white men sitting in front of him appeared to be intoxicated, and they had berated and cursed at him. After the police questioned the two men, Barber was ordered off the plane. He has since filed a lawsuit against the airlines.The NAACP issued a travel advisory on Oct. 24, warning Black passengers about a pattern of racist incidents on American Airlines flights; some are mentioned above. The organization cites multiple instances in which Black women were removed from flights or switched from the first-class section to coach. It also tells of a Black man being  forced off a flight for responding to white passengers’ racist comments.Although the airline alleges it does not tolerate discrimination, the NAACP says these events “suggest a corporate culture of racial insensitivity and possible racial bias on the part of American Airlines.” (Read statement at tinyurl.com/y7fc77eh/.)FacebookTwitterWhatsAppEmailPrintMoreShare thisFacebookTwitterWhatsAppEmailPrintMoreShare thislast_img read more

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Ecuador’s uprising, visible and invisible – a commentary

first_imgThe writer is of African descent from the United States, currently living in Quito.  For more than 10 days at the beginning of October, Ecudorians across the nation revolted against President Lenín Moreno’s austerity Decree 883 announced to satisfy part of the U.S.-based International Monetary Fund’s loan conditions. As part of a $4.5 billion loan agreement with the IMF, the Moreno administration agreed to slash government spending, reduce labor protections, and in essence, subject the Ecuadorian people to yet another failed neoliberal experiment. Under Moreno’s tenure the government has fired thousands of public sector employees and reduced social spending, leading to over 400,000 unemployed, and reducing the number of people making a living wage to under 40 percent. The latest round of austerity in the 883 decree, which included elimination of the fuel subsidy, proved to be the last straw for the Ecuadorians.To give a perspective of how much misery this decree was set to inflict, imagine if the price of a gallon of gas in the U.S. rose from $3 to over $5 overnight. In Ecuador, not only the cost of travel but of every commodity transported to market began to rise in the days following the decree. Since just over a third of the population here earns a living wage, for a broad swath of the people the decree meant starvation. President Moreno announced the decree on Monday, Oct. 1, and the transit workers union called a strike the next day. Taxis and buses stopped and workers barricaded the main roads leading in and out of major cities throughout the country, including the capital Quito. That evening black blocks and groups of protesters, composed mainly of students, began trying to take spaces throughout the city. The police began to crack down heavily with copious bombardments of tear gas and flashbang grenades. When the transit union called off the strike that Friday, Oct. 4, the protests continued and the Indigenous movement began to mobilize. Tens of thousands of Ecuadorians protest pro-IMF policies of Moreno in Quito, Oct. 9.Indigenous groups arrive in QuitoIndigenous communities had been in the streets since the proclamation of the decree. When the president declared a state of exception, essentially declaring martial law, Indigenous communities declared their own state of exception, barring police and the military from entering their territories and reinstating their traditional systems of justice. By Oct. 4, tens of thousands of Indigenous people were on the march from their rural territories to major cities across the country, with the bulk of people converging on Quito. When the first groups began to arrive on Monday, Oct. 7, the government evacuated the capital for Guayaquil near the country’s Pacific Coast.  Indigenous women marched hundreds of miles from the valleys to the capital of Quito, over 9,000 feet above sea level in the middle of the Andes, with their children strapped to their backs, along with all their essential belongings. The network of solidarity that sustained the over 10,000 Indigenous people arriving in Quito was marvelous. Universities, which had suspended classes, repurposed themselves as soup kitchens, clinics and shelters, using whatever vacant property they had to house people. During the day volunteers cooked, cleaned dishes and sorted through the flood of donations of clothes, toiletries and necessities nonstop. The siege of Parque ArbolitoParque Arbolito, on the edge of Quito’s city center and blocks away from the National Assembly, was turned into a forward operating base for the movement, with the park’s cultural center, which served as a shelter during the night, being converted into the Indigenous assembly during the day. Speeches were made to rally groups before a march, and Indigenous leaders publicly debated strategy and tactics while issuing accords as to the next steps. The park has a long history of Indigenous struggle, and in the previous revolts that ousted three presidents prior to Rafael Correa, it was a safe zone where it was understood that police would not attack. For this reason many of the elderly and children, including infants, took up shelter there. On the night of Oct. 9, under orders from President Moreno, Minister of Government María Paula Romo and Minister of Defense, alleged torturer and School of the Americas alumnus, Oswaldo Jarrin, the police brutally attacked Parque Arbolito with officers on horseback and motorcycles charging through camps and crowds. Still other officers launched tear gas and flashbang grenades from armored personnel carriers. When people fled, carrying their babies and shepherding their older children to the nearby Catholic university which had opened its doors as a shelter, the police continued to chase them. Police fired tear gas over the walls of the university and into buildings housing women and children who had just been assaulted at Parque Arbolito. According to social media reports, at least one infant died of asphyxiation. The assault continued throughout the night, as bombs could be heard exploding until sunrise. At one point early that morning Indigenous groups were able to retake the cultural center at Arbolito and detained six police officers. They then negotiated a ceasefire with the government mediated by the U.N.  The Indigenous groups returned the officers to the assembly after making them carry the caskets of two Indigenous youth. One of these youths was a leader from the Andean region who, according to his family, had been trampled to death by police horses. News of the capture reinvigorated the movement throughout the day and people were able to rest that night, free from attacks by police. The ceasefire was a turning point for the movement, and though the police continued their attacks on Arbolito in subsequent nights, the victory had strengthened the Indigenous movement’s resolve and prepared it for the depraved viciousness of the Moreno government in its attempts to crush the uprising. However, the movement needed to expand in order to survive the onslaught. The feminist movement, the strongest social movement in Ecuador aside from Indigenous peoples, held a solidarity march Oct. 11, which wound through the middle-class neighborhoods surrounding Parque Carolina. Up to that point these areas were not confronted with the uprising in the streets, and in fact had hosted a small rally in support of the government and its plans. That night entire neighborhoods across the country decided to defy the government’s curfew and took to the streets in an enormous show of solidarity with the Indigenous people who had been in the front lines in Quito. The “caserolazo,” a traditional form of protest in Latin America where people bang pots and pans in the street, showed the government that the movement was growing to revolutionary proportions. The government entered negotiations with the Indigenous movement and dropped austerity Decree 883 the next day [Sunday, Oct. 13].   The invisible strikeIn the official census, only about 7.5 percent of Ecuadorians identify as Black. There are a number of other categories that one can self-identify as which indicate African descent. It appears that only those whose dark complexion prevents them from escaping being identified as “negro” will self-identify as such. Others with lighter complexions will choose other designations such as “afrodescendiente” (African descendant). Because of the nature of colorism in Ecuadorian white supremacy, this lighter color also correlates to those who avoid ending up in the prison population and those who don’t. “Negros,” that is, Blacks, are overrepresented in prison by up to four times, while “afrodescendientes” are actually underrepresented. If the one-drop rule of U.S. white supremacy were applied to Ecuador, Black people would make up about 37 percent of the population.What this amounts to is an immense invisibilization of Black people. Many media sources rarely report on race except in relation to crime. Similarly, during the revolt, no coverage was given to Black communities in the country that rose up and played a significant role in pushing the government to retract its austerity package. Valle Del Chota is one of the largest Black communities in the Andean region. Populated by descendants of African slaves brought by Jesuit traders to work in the church’s sugar cane plantations, it is now a vital entry point for commercial goods coming from Colombia, whose major border crossing is just to the north of the valley. When the community barricaded this major transport road during the general strike, it represented a major loss in commercial activity to the government. Yet no major outlets reported any uprising of the Black community there.Similarly, in Manabi, the southern part of Ecuador’s Pacific Black belt, which extends all the way north to Panama, the movement blocked off bridges and roads serving as major choke points to major cities. The local, mainly Black population, maintained the barricades, and yet again, no major news outlets reported the activity. Just north of Manabi, in Esmeraldas, where major oil refineries are located, social media reports indicated that major roads were also barricaded, representing a blow to the oil revenue of the government.In another Black invisibilized space, El Inca Prison, in the north of Quito, prisoners also rose up in revolt during the general strike. According to members of the prison abolitionist organization, Mujeres De Frente, three people were killed by security forces putting down the revolt and another three died later of their injuries. This would bring the state’s official death toll of 10 up to 16 — if it were ever reported on and accounted for by government officials.  It’s true the Indigenous movement was the most visible actor in the “paro,” or general strike, and faced the brunt of state repression in Quito. Still, Black communities across the country also rose up and proved that not only were the Black people of Ecuador in revolt, but that they were a powerful and organized force to be reckoned with. Indeed the leaders of the national Indigenous council (CONAIE) recognized this in their negotiations with the government. Perhaps the next time Ecuador’s Black community rises up in revolt, Black leaders will actually be able to take a seat at the negotiating table themselves.FacebookTwitterWhatsAppEmailPrintMoreShare thisFacebookTwitterWhatsAppEmailPrintMoreShare thislast_img read more

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